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When Soviet foreign policy pursued a system of collective security against Nazi Germany, the Comintern overcame its ideological differences with other left-leaning European parties in the name of their shared opposition to fascism.

But with the shift in Soviet foreign policy toward Germany and the signing of the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact in , the Comintern welcomed the pact and embraced the policy of nonintervention. The Cominform existed until , when it was disbanded as part of the relative thaw and ideological relaxation that followed the death of Stalin.

Subsequently, the task of managing relations with foreign Communist parties and movements fell to the International Department of the Soviet Communist Party Central Committee.

On the contrary, the Kremlin expanded its arsenal for international engagement to include—besides the International Department of the Central Committee and obviously the Committee for State Security KGB —a wide range of academic, cultural, and commercial organizations; the Peace Committee; and even the Russian Orthodox Church, to name just a few.

Moscow used these entities for a wide range of activities that included providing cover for outright KGB intelligence gathering and enlisting friendly and often unsuspecting agents of influence in support of Soviet-championed causes.

A U. State Department study noted:. Similarly, a fake Central Intelligence Agency CIA report, which was cited in a Cairo-based news magazine, was critical of Islamic groups and alleged that they posed an obstacle to U. This intense, multiyear, multipronged Soviet effort relied on widespread disinformation, intimidation and fear mongering, the exploitation of genuine public concerns about an escalating nuclear arms race, the use of proxy agents, and the infiltration of bona fide public organizations.

Other less expansive, but no less malign, disinformation activities also took place. Soviet competition with the West was not limited to Europe and the Middle East. Soviet involvement in these countries consisted of direct military support in conflict zones, arms sales, the deployment of military advisers and technicians, civilian technical assistance, and educational opportunities in Soviet universities, such as Patrice Lumumba University in Moscow, that specialized in the training and on occasion the recruitment by Soviet intelligence services of professionals from countries in Africa, Asia, and Latin America.

In addition to direct Soviet involvement, Moscow extended its influence through personnel from Soviet bloc countries—including East Germans, Czechoslovaks, and Cubans—who helped deliver security assistance, intelligence training and operational support, economic development projects, and ideological indoctrination. In the Western Hemisphere, Soviet involvement manifested itself in the support provided to leftist governments and movements.

In that respect, these Latin American intellectuals were no different from many European counterparts who entertained hopes that the Soviet experiment would provide a viable alternative to capitalism and, later, fascism.

The socialist current in Latin American politics during the Cold War, which gave rise to a number of leftist governments, was suppressed by a series of reactionary coups in Argentina, Brazil, Chile, and Guatemala.

Washington supported these coups to varying degrees, thus feeding a narrative of resistance to U. A few particular examples are noteworthy. In Chile, for instance, the Soviet Union embraced the socialist government of president Salvador Allende and was highly critical of the military government of General Augusto Pinochet, who led the coup that overthrew Allende.

Perhaps the most ambitious Soviet effort to gain a foothold in Latin America—besides Cuba—occurred in Nicaragua in the s. Through direct engagement and Cuban proxies, Moscow delivered multifaceted assistance to the leftist Sandinista government that came to power after the previous government led by Anastasio Somoza Debayle was overthrown in In this instance, the Soviets provided financial support, economic development projects, humanitarian assistance, and—most importantly—security and military assistance as well as weapons deliveries.

In the much more recent past, Russian volunteers fought in the Balkan wars in the s and even more recently in eastern Ukraine. Volunteers, military personnel ostensibly on leave from their units, Cossacks, contractors hired by private security companies, and other types of proxies have returned to the toolkit of Russian foreign policy. The record of Soviet military engagement—direct, as well as through surrogates—ranges from dispatching regular military personnel under aliases to participate in the — Spanish Civil War to using Cuban proxies in the Angola crisis in the mids.

Soviet personnel and equipment were deployed covertly in crisis zones in various parts of Asia and the Middle East throughout the Cold War. Soviet military pilots secretly flew missions during the Korean War and in Yemen in the s and s. A secret operation by the Israeli Air Force later successfully lured Soviet pilots into unexpected aerial combat, leading to the unpublicized downing of five Soviet MiG aircraft. The most sinister tool at the disposal of the Kremlin during the Cold War was the assassination of political enemies and defectors.

The assassin spent two decades in prison, but upon his release he was awarded the highest Soviet decoration for bravery. The Soviet leadership rarely viewed senior foreign political figures as assassination targets. Known examples include aborted plans in the mids for an attack on Yugoslav leader Josip Broz Tito and KGB involvement in the turmoil and high-level political killings that preceded the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in Most of these Soviet activities ceased with the collapse of the Soviet economy and the political turbulence that brought the Soviet Union to its end.

Rather, they provide contemporary Russian foreign policy with important historical roots that feed it. Politically, economically, and militarily, the country was in ruins.

In the Caucasus, Russia ceded parts of its territory to Turkey. Meanwhile, Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Georgia declared independence.

A decade later, most of these lands were back in the Soviet Union. In , the Soviet Union, with its economy and its political system collapsed, dissolved peacefully, retreating from Ukraine, Belarus, the Baltic states, Moldova, the South Caucasus, and Central Asia.

A decade later, with economic and political restoration under way, Russia was in the process of reestablishing various forms of control over its neighbors. Again in , Russia reaffirmed its determination and willingness to use force with the annexation of Crimea. Technological breakthroughs—virtual reality and artificial intelligence, to name just two of the most frequently mentioned areas of progress—will undoubtedly be adopted by Russian state actors and their agents, adapted to their needs, and if need be weaponized for the ongoing confrontation with the West.

These technologies may be new, and they hold out the possibility of expanding and enriching the arsenal of Russian foreign policy. This statement was submitted to all Communist parties by the Executive Committee in May Approved for release on May 25, Declassified, redacted version approved for release on December 9, Carnegie does not take institutional positions on public policy issues; the views represented herein are those of the author s and do not necessarily reflect the views of Carnegie, its staff, or its trustees.

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