Who is the 0.1

The income share of the top 0. In terms of the rate of increase, the 0. After-tax income tells a similar story. For the top 0. And posttax income for the 0.

Posttax income for the entire US population rose by only 61 percent during this time, the study demonstrates. They say the share of total wealth of the top 1 percent has increased steadily, from below 25 percent in to 42 percent in The share of total wealth of the top 0.

Not everyone slices the data the same way, or draws the same conclusions. This would challenge the notion that wealth is increasingly concentrating at the top. All three groups saw their income shares and inflation-adjusted incomes peak in , and those shares have yet to recover to those pre—Great Recession levels, he points out. They get their income from very different sources. They live in different parts of the country. There is a huge amount of diversity, even within a group that we think is small but is actually very big, which is the top 1 percent.

When discussing the super-rich, many bring up family dynasties such as the Waltons of Wal-Mart, or the Rockefellers and Koch brothers of energy fortunes. But who is actually in the 0. Researchers are developing a better understanding of how people in various rungs of the 1 percent make their money. And some research suggests business income plays a big part. This income is broad-based among the 1 percent. These are talented managers: the researchers find that profits of companies run by these 1 percent-ers are far higher than those of businesses owned by people in the top 5-—10 percent.

To reach the top 0. In the top 0. Heim find that one-fifth of the primary taxpayers in the top 0. The latest data used in this study are from , before the —10 financial crisis altered the landscape.

In the rest of the 1 percent, health care is the most represented sector. Since , Forbes has compiled an annual list of the wealthiest Americans, using public information, private interviews, and valuations of comparable assets. As the rich list comprised households, it represents the top 2. But this small group could control more than a quarter of the income in the 0.

Among the group who made the rich list, for almost one in four, finance—especially hedge funds and private equity—was the source of wealth, while 15 percent came from technology-based companies.

Food and beverage companies accounted for 10 percent. When we visited other countries on vacation, my parents would teach me and my brother to haggle with street vendors and shame me for being gullible and too easily taken advantage of when I paid higher prices. This is more than just a selection of anecdotes. I remember my mother encouraging me to apply for scholarships even though she and my father had more than enough money to pay for my education. I refused, but later, I witnessed kids with similar or greater wealth brag about awards they had received.

They would free all of us to stop comparing ourselves to one another, to let go of mass consumption and the gospel of prosperity. It would make us all less lonely if we could abandon the cult of individualism to embrace mutual care over self-care, collaboration over competition, active change over positive thinking.

How do we pay for all of this? Tax the rich. They might not realize it, but by taxing our billionaires and multimillionaires down to a more reasonable level of wealth, we would likely be doing them and children an enormous favour. R esearch has shown that affluent children and teenagers are at a high risk for anxiety, depression, and substance abuse researchers suggest that this is a result of isolation from parents and pressure to achieve. An intergenerational analysis is useful here.

This was sparked, in part, by a lowering of the top marginal tax rate in English-speaking countries, and it was bolstered by the dubious idea of meritocracy—or the belief that a small group of talented and hard-working individuals deserves incomes hundreds of times or more those of the people who work under them. In my experience, this can even include contempt for their own heirs, which leads some children to compete with the family patriarch—to try to accumulate greater wealth and power than what they will already inherit, in an effort to prove themselves worthy of it.

Many of the rich boys I went to high school with had identities tied to meeting or exceeding the wealth and success of their fathers. My point here is not that we should pity rich children, but rather that they do not seem to benefit from inequality either, and we have good reason to fear the harm they are capable of.

I believe capitalism rewards the entitlement and exploitation associated with narcissistic and authoritarian views. In Complex PTSD , Pete Walker describes how children who experience emotional abuse and neglect often overdevelop one of four defence responses fight, flight, freeze, or fawn. Sometimes, I suspect that drugs and alcohol are necessary for the rich to live with themselves and one another.

We certainly consume more booze than any other demographic. So here, I speak to everyone else: the rich do not care about you some might even hate you , and any rich person claiming otherwise is conning you.

Nonetheless, all of this rhetoric around meritocracy tends to grow and becomes more convincing precisely as inequality grows. The definition of aristocracy is just the rule of the best, and people who have merit are also by definition the best. And we work more in order to be able to have this merit to be perceived to be the best. I see this manic work trend as some of the clearest evidence we have that the meritocracy is out of whack and inequality is far too great.

So, ultimately, what are some solutions here? Health care is an obvious place to look on both ends — on how much we spend on it and how access to it is distributed. We need to provide more public support for child care. You can get pretty far with moves that just reestablish equality on a firmer foundation. The other thing that concerns me in this debate is understanding the role of the 9. The key contribution of the 9.

If you get rid of the false idea of meritocracy that everyone earns what they deserve and substitute the idea that meritocracy means holding power accountable to rational standards of public scrutiny, you have a class that can actively contribute in a positive way toward equality. There are some core values in what we call meritocracy — of holding power accountable to reason, of treating people as equals under the law, of making deliberations public, and professionalism.

All of those core values are intrinsically good things. The contribution of the 9. But I do think the issue is basically a class that has allowed itself to delude itself about the sources of its own privilege, and its main contribution would be in opening its eyes and then living and working more in accordance with what I think was the original inspiration of the class. What follows when people recognize the actual sources of their privilege is they become a little more humble and they are more willing to help other people, more willing to invest in the future.

For me, one of the most distressing statistics is that the richer people get, the less they believe in publicly supported child care. Our mission has never been more vital than it is in this moment: to empower through understanding. Financial contributions from our readers are a critical part of supporting our resource-intensive work and help us keep our journalism free for all. Please consider making a contribution to Vox today to help us keep our work free for all. Cookie banner We use cookies and other tracking technologies to improve your browsing experience on our site, show personalized content and targeted ads, analyze site traffic, and understand where our audiences come from.

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